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  1. Working Papers & Publications
  2. Modeling Risk Aversion in Economics
  3. Aversion - an overview | ScienceDirect Topics
  4. Loss Aversion in Professional Golf
  5. We’re listening — tell us what you think

After the song of the wanderer and shadow, the cave became all at once full of noise and laughter: and since the assembled guests all spake simultaneously, and even the ass, encouraged thereby, no longer remained silent, a little aversion and scorn for his visitors came over Zarathustra, although he rejoiced at their gladness. When she saw once more those composed gestures, heard that shrill, childish, and sarcastic voice, her aversion for him extinguished her pity for him, and she felt only afraid, but at all costs she wanted to make clear her position.

To each his sufferings, all are men," he replied in the sweet sad tones that seemed natural to him: "each has his pet aversion. Catherine attempted no longer to hide from herself the nature of the feelings which, in spite of all his attentions, he had previously excited; and what had been terror and dislike before, was now absolute aversion. I remembered Dampier as a handsome, strong young fellow of scholarly tastes, with an aversion to work and a marked indifference to many of the things that the world cares for, including wealth, of which, however, he had inherited enough to put him beyond the reach of want.

Some among them thought it was on account of her false hair, or the dread of getting the violets wet, while others attributed it to the natural aversion for water sometimes believed to accompany the artistic temperament. Sid noticed that Tom never was coroner at one of these inquiries, though it had been his habit to take the lead in all new enterprises; he noticed, too, that Tom never acted as a witness -- and that was strange; and Sid did not overlook the fact that Tom even showed a marked aversion to these inquests, and always avoided them when he could.

Dictionary browser? Is this only true of certain kinds of people and not others? An aversion to the word has become somewhat of a cultural phenomenon, with celebrities decrying it as an abomination of the English language, and outlets from New Yorker to People exploring its uniquely disturbing properties. Though on its face the thought of devoting a program of research to discovering why people hold such an aversion seems like the kind of topic likely to appear in the next round of arguments trying to defund social science research , there are interesting questions to be answered here that shed light on basic psychological processes.

New research from Paul Thibodeau at Oberlin College has attempted to understand these processes and his initial work has suggested that the cause of the aversion may not be what most people think. Thibodeau considered several possible alternative explanations for the origin of this aversion.

Working Papers & Publications

As someone who has spent the last ten minutes mouthing the word silently to himself at a coffee shop, I can tell you that this explanation holds at least some intuitive appeal. And it will certainly make the people around you uncomfortable if you repeat that movement for a prolonged period of time in a public space.

If this phonological hypothesis is the correct explanation, then you would expect other words with similar properties to be equally aversive e. A second possibility has to do with the concepts that people tend to associate with the word. Concepts that some people might find uncomfortable. If this semantic hypothesis is correct, then people who show moist aversion should also be averse to other words related to bodily functions e. Thibodeau designed five experiments to tease apart these two competing explanations.

Included in the set of 29 were words that were either phonologically e. Thibodeau hypothesized that if the aversion to moist is rooted in phonology, then people averse to it should also show aversion to words with similar properties. But if the aversion is semantic, then those averse to it should show similar patterns of aversion to other words linked to sex and body function. The outcome of each lottery was determined with a toss of a coin performed by the experimenter.

We used the same exclusion criteria as Experiments 1a, 1b, and 2, excluding five participants because of deviance scores and one because of negative slopes. The final sample size was 82 The results can be seen in the bottom portion of Table 1. Once again, we found that when the range of losses is smaller than the range of gains, people are more sensitive to losses.

When the ranges are reversed, the parameter drops below 1 showing reverse loss aversion. When gains and losses are in the same range, people exhibit very weak aversion to losses. In four experiments, we demonstrated that loss aversion is a property of the experimental design. By simply manipulating the range of possible gains and losses, we were able to find loss aversion, loss neutrality, and even the reverse of loss aversion.

These results were predicted in advance by decision by sampling. In this theory, the subjective value of a gain is derived from a series of ordinal comparisons with other gains in memory and the subjective value of a loss is derived from a series of ordinal comparisons with other losses in memory.

Indeed, a reviewer suggested that our results may reflect a bias to accept half of the gambles regardless of the gains and losses. Our inclusion of an intercept in Equation 1 directly deals with a status quo bias and captures any tendency to accept or reject independent of the specific gains and losses.

Modeling Risk Aversion in Economics

In our fits to these experiments, there are no intercept differences see online supplement. Complementary explanations can also help to explain boundaries of our ability to reverse the loss aversion parameter in Experiment 2. We can only speculate what effect extreme outcomes would have on our estimates of loss aversion. It is possible that when faced with many overly negative outcomes, participants simply rejected the majority of the lotteries. If our claim is that loss aversion is a property of an experiment, then how is it possible that we can observe loss-averse behavior in the field?

For example, there are more small debits from bank accounts than small credits so any given value ranks more highly in the set of debits than credits, giving net loss aversion Stewart et al. In addition, if memories of real-world and laboratory distributions mix, an asymmetry in the world should bias laboratory studies toward finding loss aversion see online materials. This could be one reason why we still find a weak loss aversion in the symmetric condition in Experiment 3. At the same time, exposure to gains and losses can differentiate behavior of traders with different level of experience.

Indeed, those with extended market expertise show weaker signs of loss aversion, represented by the tendency to undertrade i. In addition, past experience of gains and losses suggests that there should be some stability in sensitivity to losses among individuals. Our findings have interesting implications for the interpretation of the functional magnetic resonance imaging data reported by Tom et al.

If loss aversion is a consequence of asymmetric representation of gains and losses in memory, then the activation of various dopaminergic regions may represent just that. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U.

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Aversion - an overview | ScienceDirect Topics

Journal of Experimental Psychology. J Exp Psychol Gen. Published online Dec 8. Isabel Gauthier, Editor. Author information Article notes Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Corresponding author. Copyright for this article is retained by the author s. Author s grant s the American Psychological Association the exclusive right to publish the article and identify itself as the original publisher. This article has been cited by other articles in PMC. Associated Data Supplementary Materials zfrso1.

Abstract One of the most robust empirical findings in the behavioral sciences is loss aversion—the finding that losses loom larger than gains. Keywords: loss aversion, decision by sampling, context, prospect theory. Open in a separate window.

Diving into loss aversion

Figure 1. Experiment 1a Method Design In Experiment 1a, participants were randomly allocated to one of four conditions.

Loss Aversion in Professional Golf

Procedure Each participant was informed that they were going to be presented with a series of hypothetical lotteries. Figure 2. Experiment 1b Experiment 1b is an exact replication of Experiment 1a with new participants. Results We used the same exclusion criteria as Experiment 1a, excluding 22 participants because of deviance scores and 19 because of negative slopes. Discussion The results of the Experiments 1a and 1b are in line with the predictions of the decision by sampling model. Results We used the same exclusion criteria as Experiments 1a and 1b, excluding 22 participants because of deviance scores and 6 because of negative slopes.

Discussion In Experiment 2, we found a large disparity in loss aversion estimated in different contexts. Experiment 3 Method Design Two ranges of gains and losses were used in Experiment 3.

We’re listening — tell us what you think

Participants Eighty-eight individuals from the University of Warwick participant pool were recruited for a min laboratory experiment. Procedure Experiment 3 was conducted in the laboratory. Results We used the same exclusion criteria as Experiments 1a, 1b, and 2, excluding five participants because of deviance scores and one because of negative slopes. General Discussion In four experiments, we demonstrated that loss aversion is a property of the experimental design. Supplementary Material Click here to view. References Ariely D.

When do losses loom larger than gains? Journal of Marketing Research , 42 , —

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